A literary analysis of to have and have by michael lind

A provocative new study of the Vietnam War places it in the larger context of a global conflict. Hull America fought the war in Vietnam because of geopolitics, and forfeited the war because of domestic politics. The ultimate responsibility lay with neither the new civilian policy elite nor the American press, but with the U. Even worse, the cost of the conflict undermined U.

A literary analysis of to have and have by michael lind

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Alexander Hamilton on the ten-dollar bill. Hamiltonians, who believe in a strong federal government to shepherd the economy, and Jeffersonians, who believe in restricted government and a free market of small-scale producers.

A central claim of your book is that the active role of the federal government is crucial to American economic progress. Americans need to be reminded that we do not need to look abroad for a compelling alternative to the Jeffersonian orthodoxy of the past generation.

InPresident Reagan asserted: Whether coming from Republicans or Democrats, this is pure Jeffersonian ideology. And it is dangerous nonsense. And the most efficient parts of the American safety net are those that are purely federal, like Social Security and Medicare, not crippled and dysfunctional federal-state hybrids like Medicaid.

If so, what models are there to get out of it? My argument is that periods of Hamiltonian nation-building and rebuilding, like the s—s, s—s and s—s, are followed by periods of Jeffersonian backlash, including the s—s, the s—s, and the s—present.

The neo-Jeffersonians trim back accomplishments of the previous Hamiltonian generation—national banking, emancipation, New Deal social programs—but usually fail to repeal them. As a result, the U.

Politicians in eras of Jeffersonian backlash invoke the nostalgic and increasingly anachronistic ideal of a decentralized republic of small, self-reliant producers— small farmers, craftsmen, merchants and bankers.

Because Jeffersonian producerist ideology prefers the self-employed to wage workers, who are seen as a dependent and potentially dangerous proletariat, politics in Jeffersonian eras tends to be unsympathetic to organized labor.

The rhetoric of help for the self-employed is often deployed in the interest of economic elites, such as the Southern slaveowners of the antebellum era who pretended to support the common white man and the industrial tycoons of the misnamed Progressive era who used rags-to-riches stories to justify their status.

According to the U. It has always taken a profound crisis to bring a neo-Jeffersonian era to an end. We live in a time, as you say, dominated by the neo-Jeffersonians. What has to happen for this to turn around?

To Have and Have Not

How bad must the economy be? One reason is the sheer institutional power of the bubble-enriched financial sector elite in the parties, the press, and the think tanks. Another reason, paradoxically, is the success of the New Deal.

Unemployment insurance programs, by preventing soup-kitchen lines, have masked the severity of the unemployment crisis. And policymakers such as Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke have learned not to repeat the monetary policy mistakes of the Great Depression, at the price of cushioning the severity of the Great Recession, at least for the rich and upper-middle classes.

If the Great Recession turns into a lost decade or even a lost generation, support for alternatives to the present system will grow and influence politicians, against their own inclinations in many cases. It is worth recalling that both Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt, who were both chosen because they were viewed as moderate compromise candidates, were radicalized by the pressure of events.

No matter who is elected president this year, the debate may be quite different a few years from now. How does your analysis apply to the last 40 years? Right on schedule, the heroic Hamiltonian projects of national reconstruction that began with the New Deal and lasted through World War II and the Great Society program and the Civil Rights Revolution were followed by a generation-long backlash led by nostalgic Jeffersonian reactionaries.

The first was Jimmy Carter, a conservative Democrat who played the role of the Southern Jeffersonian country boy. He and his allies dismantled much of the New Deal in the name of deregulation, leaving his equally Jeffersonian successor Reagan little to deregulate.

They have adopted conservative policies as their own: If the federal government really is inherently inefficient, corrupt and tyrannical, then its functions should be delegated to the states or privatized.

How do terms like producerist capitalism and developmental capitalism apply to the real needs of the American working class? None of the major parties in American history have been social democratic or labor parties, like those of Europe.

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Typically, the parties have represented the interests of different industries in different regions—industrial, agrarian, or financial. Similarly, the Hamiltonian and Jeffersonian traditions appeal to different kinds of businesses.

Small, undercapitalized, labor-intensive businesses threatened by more efficient national and global enterprises have invoked Jeffersonian ideals to justify policies protecting small farms, small retailers, small distributors and small banks—in the interest, it should be noted, of local capitalists, not local majorities.

While globalization weakens organized labor, it is still easier to unionize large national companies than hundreds or thousands of tiny independent businesses.

And from the s onward, private monopolies and oligopolies have been more willing to tolerate unions, because, unlike small businesses, their market power often allowed them to pass on the cost of wage premiums for unionized workers to consumers. In the Jeffersonian system, wage-dependent proletarians are parasites, not producers, and the goal of Jeffersonian political economy is to turn proletarians into producers by giving them farms in the 19th century and encouraging them to start small businesses today.

A literary analysis of to have and have by michael lind

This is a cruel joke, in an economy in which fewer than one in 10 Americans are self-employed and fewer than two percent are farmers.(Michael Lind, Jan. 22, , Salon) When Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the s, he sought a truce in the Cold War, a breathing spell that would provide time for reformers to engage in "perestroika," or "restructuring," of the Soviet benjaminpohle.com: Michael Eliot Howard.

W hat writer, struggling at the keyboard, wouldn't want to be like Michael Lind? He is the Niagara Falls of the profession, a great big unstoppable torrent of words. Faster than most people can think, faster than anybody can research, Michael Lind produces a thundering flow of critique, condemnation, and opinion.

The process of writing a song analysis essay consists of three distinct stages: song analysis, outlining and draft writing. Song analysis essays focus on analyzing various aspects of music using specific, technical information. Before writing a song analysis essay, the writer should have a full.

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Tell us what you think! Your book-smartest friend just got a makeover. SIDELIGHTS: Michael Lind was the editor of the conservative journal National Interest and a protege of columnist William F. Buckley, Jr., until the changing tide of Republican politics caused him to reevaluate his right-of-center stance.

A liberal nationalism, according to Lind, offers a new understanding of the American past, based on an analysis of the three republics that have shaped American history: Anglo-America, from before.

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